What Is Free Will and Does It Exist?
I stood upon the second of three graduated platforms, each displaying the work of a different artist. Between the messy, and often graffitied, portraits I found a face familiar to me. One I did not expect. It was a Friday evening; in the afternoon I had journeyed to UC Berkeley to consult a certain Guy Isely, who will be discussed later, afterward I crossed the heart of the campus and dove into the Berkeley Art Museum to attend their weekly L@te event. The exhibits remain open long after normal closing time, and live, often experimental, music is played. I did not expect that any of my peers had made the same journey, that they would be in the same place, and that we would briefly gaze at the same picture. But it happened, and, as the boy was but an acquaintance, we were compelled to make the smallest of talk: that about activities in which we know the other is engaged. The month being what it was, senior project was the obvious choice. I told him that I was investigating free will from a neurological perspective. After a brief spar in which he defended our freedom, he paused, then said, “well, we’re having this conversation, so that’s good enough for me.” I frowned. Free will is an oft assumed attribute of the human race, our consciousness leads us to believe in it. The actions of others lead us to believe in it. But we must not always follow our leaders blindly.
Free will shall be defined for the purposes of this paper as follows: a uniquely human characteristic that allows a consciousness to disregard all internal and external influences to make decisions based purely on whim. In fact, free will, at its base, simply claims that humanity maintains a consistent capacity for complete randomness. Dr. Wallis, who will be discussed in greater depth deeper in this paper, asked me for my definition in response to my request that he give his; so, I delivered the above. He seemed to think for a moment, and agreed that it was an apt one. It is with his vindication that I proceed. Free will is often defined as a human’s ability to independently make a personal choice, however, such definitions do not deign to define in what parts a personal preference is determined by atmospheric factors. In our definition, we have avoided such confusion. I am asking whether or not our consciousness is capable of contradicting all that our fabric inclines us toward. That is true freedom. Any dilution dictating that our interest be adhered to is an illusion – it is not suited to the term we throw casually from our lips: free will.
In Leo Tolstoy’s novel Anna Karenina, the character Levin says that, “my reason will… not understand why I pray, but I will still pray, and my life, my whole life, independently of anything that may happen to me, is every moment of it no longer meaningless as it was before.” His belief in God replicates my belief in free will. It has enjoyed the status of a theorem, without any rigor in its establishment. And as scientific and philosophic evidence begins to question its integrity, I realise more poignantly the implicit faith with which I have accepted it.
I now set out to test that faith.
For thousands of years, determinism was assumed. Our sovereignty was offered up to deity after deity for use in constructing a great cosmic order. In his text The Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind Julian Jaynes demonstrates that the writings and customs of ancient cultures fail to attribute any meaningful volition to their constituents. Instead, Jaynes posits that most of ancient man’s actions resulted from the brain’s transmission of instructions via auditory and sometimes visual hallucinations. Ancient man had not even consciousness to confound our estimation of his freedom. But even after our most important attribute arose, man scarcely asserted that he was free. Newtonian physics further discouraged such a conclusion, codifying that all effects have a concrete cause – to assume free will would be to assume a ball can choose to quit rolling. Our biological systems must mirror the physical systems that surround us. However, proofs based on Newton’s laws, often used to show the necessity of God, asserting that an ‘unmoved mover’ must exist, hinted toward the idea that, perhaps, our consciousness is an ‘unmoved mover’ itself – a free agent.
The writings of Soren Kierkegaard, Friedrich Nietzsche, Fyodor Dostoevsky, Martin Heidegger and others throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries would eventually crystallize into one of the most mainstream philosophical movements to ever hold free will as part of its foundation: existentialism. The French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre, one of its primary advocates and aggregators, wrote of the absurdity man experiences when confronted by his absolute freedom as a result of the world’s absolute lack of inherent meaning. He termed it a sort of nausea. In a novel by the same name, the protagonist suddenly finds himself responsible for constructing his own meaning, a theme Sartre explores further in his massive philosophical tome Being and Nothingness. Sartre emphasizes human aloofness from from physical causality, and, in that way, entirely rejects determinism. Sartre’s philosophy quickly became fashionable, though he always maintained that it was a school of thought “strictly intended for specialists and philosophers.” As a consequence of its popularity, it became massively distorted, and even vilified. In response, Sartre abridged his thought into a lecture entitled “Existentialism is a Humanism” which reaffirmed his belief in our absolute freedom, but also plainly offered the worldly anchors that many critics perceived the system to lack. Existentialism has remained the fashionable choice of teenagers with nihilistic tendencies ever since, though they often gloss over much of the responsibility that Sartre underlines.
Memories of myself as a fashionable teenager with nihilistic tendencies aside, the main battery that I shall direct against our idea of a free will is not philosophy, but rather behavioral, or social, neuroscience. John Cacioppo, a pioneer of the field, recalls the origin of his specialty, “there was a lot of skepticism among neuroscientists about studying anything outside the cranium. Twentieth-century neuroscience thought social behavior was just too complex to study.” (Goleman) Now, neurologists have meaningfully mapped many of the regions of the brain involved in social interactions. There is still much mystery, and many neuroscientists fall short of unequivocally renouncing free will, but the further our thoughts are scientifically systematized the more irrational and mystic an independent volition appears.
Guy Isely, a researcher at UC Berkeley’s Redwood Center for Theoretical Neuroscience, agreed to speak with me about the question of free will and how it relates to his studies. I journeyed, one rainy Friday, to his office, inside of another office, on the fifth floor of Evans Hall. The Center seemed to occupy most of the floor, and research posters with suffixes longer than pi patterned the walls. As theoretical neuroscience is a computationally intensive field, I was not surprised to note that Mr. Isely’s desk alone had three separate computers, all incessantly used. We left Guy’s office and walked quickly to the conference room, wherein the table was strewn with paper – half aimless doodles and the other half complex mathematics. Though Cacioppo now directs an institute at the University of Chicago and Berkeley itself has an expansive umbrella institute for social neuroscience, the field is still developing. Mr. Isely wrote sheepishly to me before our meeting, that “there’s not much to see [at the Redwood Center] other than some offices and some research posters– that’s what a theoretical group looks like I guess.“ Even so, the work done has enormous implications for how we, as humans, understand our own actions and the actions of others.
Though Mr. Isely does not explicitly investigate the question of free will – rather, the brain’s methods of recognising and reacting to the low-level statistical properties of perceived objects – his general knowledge of our mental mechanisms and his background as an undergraduate philosophy major allowed him to address my questions with authority. He defined free will simply as the ability to say, “I do what I want to do.” And went on to assert that, in the context of that definition, free will is both existent and desirable; in the context of my definition, he was less clear about its existence and found that such an ability would not be in our interest. He said that he liked the feeling of security that knowing he was acting toward his goals gave him. We did also come into an interesting discussion about neuroplasiticity: the manner in which it affects our perception, and its consequences for human behavior. Before I begin to discuss that, however, I feel that I owe my gracious reader a wee bit of background about the brain.
Our most elevated organ transmits information through a combination of electrical and chemical signals emitted by small cells called neurons. There are three main types of neurons: sensory neurons, which bring information to the central nervous system; interneurons, which associate information within the central nervous system; and motor neurons, which send information from the brain and spinal cord to the muscles. Neurons communicate by ‘firing,’ or releasing a neurotransmitter into the synaptic cleft – the space between neurons – through a process called action potential that is propagated by changes in the chemical concentrations within and without the cell itself. The released neurotransmitter enters a specific binding site in the receptors of a nearby neuron, in which it aids or inhibits further firing. Action or inaction generally result from enormous cascades of neuronal activity.
The variety of neurotransmitters and networks into which they are released compose the majority of our brain’s communication with our body and with itself. That communication causes bouts of depression and of ecstasy. It causes involuntary reactions and our intentional actions. A comprehensive assessment of the brain and its functions seems not to leave room for a free will. The brain receives input and produces output. The frontal regions act as our executive, and make projections toward the future; the parietal lobe integrates the sensory information from our multiple modalities, then associates that information with memories and with our present internal state; the temporal lobe holds memories, identifies items, processes audio, and experiences emotion. (Banich) As Tom Stoppard writes in his play Rock ‘n’ Roll, “[The] mind is [the] brain… if it wasn’t for the merely technical problem of understanding how it works, we could make one out of – beer cans. It would be the size of a stadium but it would sit there, going, ‘I think therefore I am.’”
Even in social interactions, mapping of the brain has revealed a concerted system of cause and effect. The firing of one neuron quickly followed by the firing of an adjacent neuron makes the connexion between those two neurons more efficient. It is hypothesized that such an increase in efficiency is the cellular basis of learning – not simply learning facts, but also behaviors and relationships. (Hunt) The efficiencies created between neurons can lead to long term social attachments or even addictive habits. They can create dependencies that cause us to perpetuate a certain behavior long after it has become destructive. (Goleman) This phenomenon is known as neuroplasiticity. Daniel Goleman writes that “our social interactions… play a role in reshaping our brain… repeated experiences sculpt the shape, size, and number of neurons and their synaptic connexions. By repeatedly driving our brain into a given register, our key relationships can gradually mold certain neural circuitry.”
During my search for an ivory home next year, I interviewed with a clinical psychologist masquerading as a Yale University alumni. In the course of our conversation I mentioned that I would most likely major somewhere within the cognitive and brain sciences, which tumbled us into a discussion about the implications of neuroplasticity for clinical psychology. He told me that it was absolutely something considered by him and his peers. In my conversation with Guy Isely as well, neuroplasticity was found to be very important for my question, but also for all questions about the physiological mechanisms of the mind. Mr. Isely told me that the world appears fundamentally different to those that have not developed efficient representations of objects through neuroplasticity. This should not be surprising when we recognise that our mind fills in minor gaps almost all the time. In his phenomenological essay The Imaginary Jean-Paul Sartre writes that, when we first see an object we “make a hypothesis that the later course of [our] perceptions may oblige [us] to abandon,” because we see it only from one point of view. “One must learn objects, which is to say, multiply the possible points of view on them. The object itself is the synthesis of all these appearances.”
The analogue from the former to the present topic – that is, to the question of free will – is, perhaps, made most eloquently by a philosopher that was active just under three hundred years before neuroplasticity became an accepted precept, David Hume. He asserted that an “idea of necessary connexion among events arises from a number of similar instances… [and that] the mind is carried by habit, upon the appearance of one event, to expect its usual attendant, and to believe that it will exist.” Hume writes that “the most irregular and unexpected resolutions of men may frequently be accounted for by those, who know every particular circumstance of their character and situation.” That is, if one is aware of all the variables, the actions of a man may precisely be anticipated. And “it is universally allowed, that nothing exists without a cause of its existence,” including thoughts. He goes on to refute the idea of free will based on reason because “[custom] alone determines the mind, in all instances, to suppose the future conformable to the past. However easy this step may seem, reason would never be able to make it.”
Dr. Jonathan Wallis of Berkeley’s Wallis Laboratory and Helen Wills Neuroscience Institute has been lead by his work, in the neurological underpinnings of behavior, to almost the exact same conclusions as David Hume – though he admits to having never read the man’s work. Dr. Wallis began our interview briskly with the assertion that there is absolutely no scientific basis for a belief in free will unless we posit something non-physical, something supernatural. He described the process our mind goes through as it makes a decision as “multiple systems all competing for control of behavior,” he also mentioned that the process is essentially the same in lower level animals as it is in humans. The brain’s neurons encode decisions, and they do so based on a variety of input and internal variables: “the brain,” Wallis said, “is a system. As we learn more about the human brain we grow more skilled at predicting behavior.” Game Theory in Economics and certain branches of Psychology especially testify to that fact. Nothing is truly random, occasionally events simply appear to be, due to gaps in our knowledge. According to Wallis, any unaccountable variation we discover can be cured by exhaustively researching the spectrum of possible influences. Yet, even the most comprehensive research will likely fall short: the brain has more possible unique states than the universe has atoms. Studies of decision making can only hope to account for major influences – the rest will appear as random behavioral noise, which will be touched upon later.
An article in the scientific journal Nature written by Patrick Haggard of University College London further outlines the procedure of decision making. “Volition is… a set of processes, [that] jointly specify several kinds of information… voluntary action is a form of decision making.” The brain first must marshal the motivations for action; then, it selects a task and an action that would complete that task; before acting, the brain rechecks its motivations and often models the future as affected by the proposed action; finally, the brain causes the action. The article lists four computational principles that lead to voluntary action. First, “voluntary action as exploratory behaviour,” seen to be one of the greatest boons of our mental processes because “an animal’s success depends [in part] on… exploring possible new resources through new actions.” Second, “voluntary action as random behavioral noise,” that is, “small… variations… which produce one result rather than another.” Third, “voluntary action as conditioned responding,” in uncertain situations taking the course that has previously proven successful. And fourth, “voluntary action as goal directed-ness,” action prompted by the expected outcome of the action. Our consciousness is seen to simply predict our action and reconstruct the motivation behind that action to compose a sense of “voluntary control.” It is not an active component of decision making models, as Dr. Wallis attested.
Elsewhere, the article discusses a famous experiment on free will, in which “participants watch a spot or clock rotating on a screen. At a time of their own choosing they spontaneously make a movement of their right hand… the participants report when they first ‘felt the urge’ to move their hand.” The experiment found that participants would report the conscious intention to act only milliseconds before taking the action, but even more interestingly the brain showed preparation for the action a whole second before the intention was reported. Though the experiment, originally performed by Bejamin Libet of UCSF, has been widely replicated, it still finds harsh criticism. Two major issues that have been raised are that “the real voluntary action is the participant’s decision to join the experiment… and… that subjective estimates of when conscious experiences occur are unreliable… the brain frequently manufactures conscious experiences after the event, retro-inserting them into the stream of consciousness.” Despite the criticism, Libet’s experiment “seems to disprove the everyday concept of ‘free will.’”
Often we are told that if free will does not exist we, as conscious beings, cannot be made responsible for our actions. How could we, let us say, jail someone for taking an action that they did not consciously choose to take? In fact, the actions we do not choose are the only actions for which we can be punished. David Hume wrote, “actions are, by their very nature, temporary and perishing; and where they proceed not from some cause in the character and disposition of the person who performed them, they can neither redound to his honour, if good; nor infamy, if evil.” So, if our will is free, then our actions have no concrete cause within us, and thus we cannot be blamed for them. Yet, if our will is systematically determined then our actions do proceed from causes entirely within us, and thus we can be blamed – for it is reasonable to expect similar actions in the future given similar circumstances. Only in determinism can we justify the jailing of an individual on a preventative basis. Daniel Dennett of Tufts University writes that “causality [is] what makes us moral agents,” not freedom. (Overbye)
In – admittedly tangential – connection with this project, I spent six days roaming the Ventana Wilderness in solitude. Near the end of that period, I wandered into the bosom of a Zen Monastery nestled therein. My arrival came as morning touched noon, so I sat in for lunch and washed it down by washing windows to earn a bed for that evening. Between work and dinner I occasioned upon one of the monks, who agreed to speak with me about my question. We removed ourselves to seating on a wooden bridge garnished with the white noise of water whetting stone. To my questions the wrinkled, bald monk had only one answer: it does not matter. There is an absolute reality, sure. But it is unlikely that we will ever know it. We must make due with the conventional reality that we are fed. The Buddha taught a cessation of suffering, nothing more. We must work toward comfort and complacency – and certainly not actively seek uncertainty, enough accosts in our regular course. My question has no practical aspect. It is an entirely vacuous venture. I will admit, her response did somewhat shock me. And as I reeled from it, she followed with a direct jab, her worn face inclined toward mine to ensure her voice would supersede the background: “Why does it matter to you?”
For a moment, I did not know how to answer. My chalkboard, usually so wildly adorned, was washed – and while all the chalk remained, it took no definite form. I recovered, but I think she saw the process through my lenses. It does truly matter to me, in the macro and micro of my mind. I answered: it matters to me because it is one of my assumptions; also, it shall affect my adoption of assumptions in the future. Further, it would be suffering for me to continue without having tested all of my assumptions. I work to cede my anguish, simply in a different way. I could not read her face, but maybe what I said was lost in the space between my mind and her ears. We adjourned. At least she had not offered some vague testament about ‘suchness,’ as two ludic women with which I had spoken of my plan warned she might. Her question caused me to briefly inspect mine from the outside: to determine its worth. In one of my classes, the teacher often transcribes quotes on an unused corner of the main board. One day the quote, author anonymous, read roughly that, “A great mistake educators often make is assuming that all knowledge must be for some practical use.” A lull in the instruction allowed a peer and me to discuss it briefly, we concluded that we would have written it thus, “A great mistake educators often make is assuming that any knowledge can have no practical use.” So, despite my question’s lack of immediate practicality, I reaffirmed and justified my interest.
From all the preceding, I feel I must make a conclusion. So, I shall. As I have defined it, free will does not exist. Yet, Stoppard writes, the brain “does love. It does inspiration. It does memory. It does thought.” I am still intimately responsible for myself. Perhaps, more so than I would be if I concluded conversely. I act in my own interest, and if my consciousness be only an observer, my character is one that suffers an exquisite narration – I am quite wrapped in my story, as I see it made; though, in moments that I do reflect, I despair of my detachment from it. Like the UN, without weapons, simply observing foreigners at war. I hold some hope that my conclusion is incorrect, I know that I cannot have exhausted the topic entirely. I know that there are stones I have left unturned – ones with wells beneath. So I shall keep searching, shall keep questioning. I will apprehend that absolute reality, if it can be brought within the scope of our Euclidean conception.
Works Cited and Consulted
Print.
- Banich, Marie T. Cognitive Neuroscience and Neuropsychology. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2004. Print.
- Dayan, Peter, and L. F. Abbott. Theoretical Neuroscience: Computational and Mathematical Modeling of Neural Systems. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT, 2001. Print.
- Goleman, Daniel. Social Intelligence: the New Science of Human Relationships. New York: Bantam, 2006. Print.
- Haggard, Patrick. “Human Volition: towards a Neuroscience of Will.” Nature 9 (2008): 934–46. Print.
- Hume, David. An Enquiry concerning Human Understanding. Indianapolis, Ind. [u.a.: Hackett, 1995. Print.
- Hunt, Earl B. The Mathematics of Behavior. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2007. Print.
- Jaynes, Julian. The Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1990. Print.
- Sartre, Jean-Paul. Being and Nothingness: a Phenomenological Essay on Ontology. New York: Washington Square, 1992. Print.
- Sartre, Jean-Paul. Existentialism Is a Humanism. New Haven: Yale UP, 2007. Print.
- Sartre, Jean-Paul. Nausea. New York: New Direction, 2007. Print.
- Sartre, Jean-Paul. The Imaginary: a Phenomenological Psychology of the Imagination. London: Routledge, 2004. Print.
- Stoppard, Tom. Rock ‘n’ Roll. New York: Grove, 2007. Print.
- Tolstoy, Leo. Anna Karenina. New York: Random House, 1965. Print.
Web.
- Overbye, Dennis. “Free Will: Now You Have It, Now You Don’t.” New York Times. 2 Jan. 2007. Web. 25 Mar. 2010.
Interviews.
- Isely, Guy. Personal interview. 2 Apr. 2010.
- Wallis, Jonathan. Personal interview. 1 Apr. 2010.
- Photo by Bertie Mabootoo / Used with Permission












