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This Paper Can Save the World: Suggesting Amendments to the American Constitution

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This Paper Can Save the World: Suggesting Amendments to the American Constitution

The founders of United States knew that it was sys­tem­i­cally per­fectible, rather than per­fect. As an homage to that real­i­sa­tion they included a method for amend­ing the cen­tral doc­u­ment, so that when times changed the nation would not be inhib­ited by archaic processes. Unfor­tu­nately, as time has passed our rev­er­ence for the con­sti­tu­tion as it stands has increased to an almost ridicu­lous level. Though we are empow­ered to amend it, we seem to feel as if that betrays our Amer­i­can sen­si­bil­i­ties. In truth, though, to not amend it is the greater betrayal. Thomas Jef­fer­son wrote to a friend of Shay’s Rebel­lion that, “a lit­tle rebel­lion now and then is a good thing… it is a med­i­cine nec­es­sary for the sound health of gov­ern­ment… the tree of lib­erty must be refreshed.” Amend­ments are less rad­i­cal meth­ods of refresh­ing that tree. Both must have a wide pop­u­lar base if they are to approach suc­cess, but even their attempts can speak poignantly of a press­ing issue.

Herein, three attempts will be made: the first, to allow our gov­ern­ment a greater flex­i­bil­ity by facil­i­tat­ing exten­sive revi­sion of the con­sti­tu­tion every twelve years; the sec­ond, to explic­itly pro­hibit any inter­ac­tion between church and state; and the third, to bring all cit­i­zens to a sim­i­lar eco­nomic level. These reforms, though they are not likely to pass in any polit­i­cal cli­mate, beg con­sid­er­a­tion of the issues they regard.

The first, that attempts a com­pre­hen­sive and recur­ring update of our over two-hundred year old con­sti­tu­tion, is of greater impor­tance than the other two. The enlight­en­ment philoso­pher Jean-Jacques Rousseau wrote that “no sov­er­eign could say: ‘What this man is going to want tomor­row I too shall want,’” (Rousseau) and no more could a sov­er­eign say that of a doc­u­ment. The con­sti­tu­tion chains us to an old mode of thought, and while the amend­ment process as it stands allows us to loosen and squirm within our chains the amend­ment now pro­posed would allow us to cast them off entirely.

The text of such an amend­ment would run as fol­lows: “The con­sti­tu­tion of the United States as a whole shall be brought under revi­sion every twelve years. The revi­sion process shall begin on the tenth of Jan­u­ary and be ter­mi­nated before one year has elapsed. Until the revi­sions are com­pleted, the old ver­sion shall hold full power. The con­stituents of the Con­sti­tu­tional Revi­sion Com­mit­tee (CRC) shall be four in num­ber for each state and elected sep­a­rately from the sit­ting sen­a­tors and rep­re­sen­ta­tives. No office holder is eli­gi­ble for elec­tion to the CRC. The final doc­u­ment must be approved by a super major­ity of the del­e­gates and can­not exceed thirty pages. The Con­sti­tu­tion must remain a frame­work for the oper­a­tion of the coun­try and no tran­sient mea­sures may be taken within it. The revi­sions must regard only sys­temic issues. This amend­ment can­not be edited by the CRC, but is in every other way a reg­u­lar amend­ment to the con­sti­tu­tion and can be repealed by the leg­is­la­ture. If the pop­u­la­tion at large can demon­strate the sup­port of two mil­lion indi­vid­u­als a national ref­er­en­dum may be called on the revised doc­u­ment. A sim­ple major­ity will cause the revi­sions to be dis­carded and a rever­sion to the pre­vi­ous con­sti­tu­tion.”
The par­tic­u­lar­i­ties of the amend­ment will now be explained. The time limit of one year is given so that the del­e­gates are com­pelled to flesh out any appar­ent and bipar­ti­san dif­fi­cul­ties with the con­sti­tu­tion imme­di­ately. It is a long enough period to allow ample dis­cus­sion, yet short enough to pre­vent total grid­lock. Office hold­ers are not eli­gi­ble to become mem­bers of the CRC for two rea­sons: first, so that the stig­mas and cor­rup­tion of Wash­ing­ton do not carry over into the revi­sion process; and sec­ond, so that the body exe­cut­ing the instruc­tions remains apart from the one issu­ing and edit­ing them, else many of the restric­tions would quickly be dis­missed. The con­sti­tu­tion can never exceed thirty pages so that it will remain acces­si­ble to the population.

An amend­ment of this kind would allow our nation to adapt to chang­ing con­di­tions both inside and out­side its bor­ders. The amend­ment would enable pas­sage of many of the reforms pro­posed and sup­ported by the masses that never gain trac­tion in con­gress due to the threat they pose to the regime. This amend­ment is not a par­ti­san issue, sim­ply a press­ing one. Though it is quite easy to do so, we must not treat the con­sti­tu­tion as a per­fect doc­u­ment. As the metal that com­posed swords in cen­turies passed must be reforged to form firearms as the world revolves, our con­sti­tu­tion must be sim­i­larly altered.

The sec­ond, that would cor­don the church away from the state, should be a self evi­dent neces­sity. Even when the church enjoyed a greater promi­nence in soci­ety, seques­ter­ing it from pub­lic pol­icy was weight­ily con­sid­ered. The first amend­ment pro­hibits the estab­lish­ment of a state reli­gion, but it does not pro­hibit inter­ac­tion between state and reli­gion. The lack of explicit sep­a­ra­tion has allowed the gov­ern­ment to block human embry­onic research, fund faith-based char­ity ini­tia­tives, sub­sidise reli­gious char­ter schools, and so forth. (“Church And State Should Be Sep­a­rate”) This amend­ment would pro­hibit the gov­ern­ment from recog­nis­ing reli­gion as any­thing except its func­tion – viz., char­i­ta­ble reli­gious ini­tia­tives would be recog­nised sim­ply as char­i­ties, etc. Thus a grounded view of the results pro­duced by the ini­tia­tives would not be con­fused by theology.

The com­po­si­tion of such an amend­ment fol­lows: “Any inter­ac­tion between the state and the church is hereby pro­hib­ited. The gov­ern­ment shall not recog­nise reli­gious insti­tu­tions as such, rather it will fix its gaze upon the effect ren­dered by the insti­tu­tion and act accordingly.”

There is no rea­son to per­pet­u­ate the liai­son presently unit­ing church and state. A healthy sep­a­ra­tion of the two has already lead to the vibrant reli­gious com­mu­ni­ties that we now enjoy. Com­pared to nations with a state church, the United States has a very high rate of reli­gious atten­dance and inter­ac­tion. The com­pe­ti­tion pro­duced by the government’s par­tial indif­fer­ence is an aid to the church, not a hin­drance. This amend­ment would make that indif­fer­ence com­plete. Fur­ther­more, Pres­i­dent Obama has repeat­edly empha­sised that the United States is not a Chris­t­ian nation, nor even a reli­gious nation (“Church And State Should Be Sep­a­rate”). His assess­ment is a cor­rect one. The fiber that binds our nation is not born of a com­mon the­ol­ogy, but a com­mon incli­na­tion toward lib­erty. Plac­ing par­tic­u­lar pieces of our soci­ety above oth­ers because of a reli­gious affil­i­a­tion infringes upon that liberty.

The third, that would level the eco­nomic stand­ing of every Amer­i­can cit­i­zen, thereby pro­mot­ing a true equal­ity of oppor­tu­nity and form­ing a mer­i­to­cratic soci­ety, and reor­gan­ise the Amer­i­can gov­ern­ment along com­mu­nal lines, thereby for­mu­lat­ing a more respon­sive democ­racy. As the nation stands now it can scarcely be called demo­c­ra­tic; the influ­ence exer­cised by promi­nent cor­po­ra­tions and their periph­er­als has usurped nearly all the power allot­ted to the peo­ple. Cap­i­tal­ism is an auto­cratic sys­tem, it sim­ply does not mesh with demo­c­ra­tic ideals. The eco­nomic and polit­i­cal sys­tem adopted by the anar­chist of the Span­ish Civil War was shown to alle­vi­ate much inequal­ity with­out depress­ing pro­duc­tion. (Orwell) This amend­ment tai­lors a sim­i­lar sys­tem to the Amer­i­can theatre.

The full text of the pro­posed amend­ment can be found in Appen­dix A.

Rousseau wrote that equal­ity under the law in an essen­tially unequal soci­ety “is only an appear­ance and an illu­sion; it serves only to keep the poor in their wretched­ness and sus­tain the rich in their usurpa­tion.” (Rousseau) This amend­ment would abol­ish that sta­tic sta­tus quo and allow for gen­uine socioe­co­nomic dynamism. Each soul would be able to fol­low their own incli­na­tion, with­out worry for profit. There are those among us that would teach, were they bet­ter com­pen­sated; that would push against the edge of knowl­edge, were they able to afford the edu­ca­tion; that would mas­sage the masses with rhetoric, had their birth allowed them the means. Some are capa­ble of tran­scend­ing those dif­fi­cul­ties, but that tran­scen­dence is not some­thing our soci­ety should demand. With this amend­ment imple­mented our per­sonal econ­omy would be dic­tated by the throes of our per­sonal genius. In Walden Pond Henry David Thoreau wrote that “lit­tle is to be expected of that day… if we are not awak­ened by… our own newly acquired force and aspi­ra­tions from within.” Not only would the major­ity of peo­ple enjoy an increase in their eco­nomic stan­dard of liv­ing, but all would enjoy an increase in their moral liv­ing – from that sat­is­fac­tion and integrity of being gleaned through the knowl­edge that we are doing exactly what we want to be.

Struc­tural reform is nat­u­rally cou­pled with the mean­ing­ful eco­nomic reform. A com­mu­nal sys­tem of gov­er­nance allows the indi­vid­ual to have greater weight in the pol­i­tics that effect him each day. The national gov­ern­ment is stretched too thin. It was designed when our nation had just above a hun­dredth of the cit­i­zens that it now does. The mech­a­nisms are strained, and per­form poorly. The divi­sion and allo­ca­tion of power imple­mented with the amend­ment would help to alle­vi­ate that strain and adapt the gov­ern­ment to its much larger league of sub­jects. (Mon­tesquieu) Jean-Jacques Rousseau wrote, “if I had had to make choice of the place of my birth, I should have pre­ferred a soci­ety which had an extent pro­por­tion­ate to the lim­its of the human fac­ul­ties; that is, to the pos­si­bil­ity of being well gov­erned… and in which the pleas­ant cus­tom of see­ing and know­ing one another should make the love of coun­try rather a love of the cit­i­zens than of its soil.“ (Rousseau) His vision is one to which we all can relate, this amend­ment would bring it closer to real­ity.
Over­all, the first propo­si­tion is the most press­ing. It is more than a reform. It is an invi­ta­tion to debate all that has been made sacred by his­tory. Even if the changes it brings are minus­cule, the avenue that it opens is essen­tial. We can­not afford to remain stag­nant in the face of time. Our con­sti­tu­tion is indeed the foun­da­tion of our coun­try, yet we would not live in a build­ing built upon a foun­da­tion from that era; both must be brought up to date.


APPENDIX A
The sec­ond amendment.

A) As social­ist eco­nomic pol­icy has been shown to be an effi­cient sys­tem this bill man­dates the reor­gan­i­sa­tion of all Amer­i­can busi­ness enter­prises in such a way as to dis­trib­ute the deci­sion mak­ing evenly across all lev­els of employ­ment. It is sug­gested that this be realised by cre­ation of a coun­cil elected by all employ­ees to pre­side over the enterprise’s poli­cies. All profit would be absorbed by the national body for later redistribution.

B) As com­mu­nal polit­i­cal pol­icy has been shown to enhance indi­vid­ual sov­er­eignty, the gov­ern­ment, as it stands, would be abol­ished and replaced as fol­lows:
1) National
a) Ten prin­ci­pal­i­ties shall be formed, each con­sist­ing of sim­i­lar pop­u­la­tions; an exec­u­tive shall be pop­u­larly elected from each prin­ci­pal­ity every two years – the elec­tions shall be stag­gered so five mem­bers are up for elec­tion each year –, a chair-executive shall be elected by the nation as a whole every four years. These exec­u­tives shall con­sti­tute an exec­u­tive coun­cil charged with con­duct­ing the nation’s inter­na­tional course. They will have no domes­tic power.
b) Each state will elect one rep­re­sen­ta­tive to a body charged with ensur­ing national cohe­sion. They hold leg­isla­tive power to only that extent. They are also charged to allo­cate funds evenly by pop­u­la­tion between all prin­ci­pal­i­ties.
2) Prin­ci­pal
a) Each prin­ci­pal­ity will be gov­erned by a bicam­eral leg­is­la­ture in the fash­ion presently in place nation­ally.
b) Cal­i­for­nia is hereby split into North Cal­i­for­nia and South Cal­i­for­nia. The split occurs at the south­ern­most edge of Han­ford and runs across the state par­al­lel to the equa­tor. North and South Dakota are hereby merged into a sin­gle Dakota.
c)The prin­ci­pal­i­ties are con­sti­tuted as fol­lows: North­west­ern Divi­sion: Wash­ing­ton, Ore­gon, North Cal­i­for­nia, Nevada. South­west­ern Divi­sion: South Cal­i­for­nia, Ari­zona, New Mex­ico. Mid­west­ern Divi­sion: Utah, Idaho, Mon­tana, Wyoming, Dakota, Nebraska, Kansas, Col­orado. South­ern Divi­sion: Texas, Okla­homa, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mis­sis­sippi. South­east­ern Divi­sion: Florida, Alabama, Geor­gia, South Car­olina. East­ern Divi­sion: North Car­olina, Ten­nessee, Ken­tucky, Vir­ginia, West Vir­ginia. North­east­ern Divi­sion I: Mary­land, Delaware, Penn­syl­va­nia, New Jer­sey. North­east­ern Divi­sion II: Con­necti­cut, Rhode Island, New York, Mass­a­chu­setts, New Hamp­shire, Ver­mont, Maine. Mideast­ern Divi­sion: Min­nesota, Wis­con­sin, Michi­gan, Ohio, Indi­ana, Illi­nois, Iowa, Mis­souri. Oceanic Divi­sion: Hawaii, Alaska.
d) All funds not con­sumed in projects on the prin­ci­pal­ity level are dis­trib­uted equally to the con­stituent states by pop­u­la­tion.
3) State
a) All state gov­ern­ments are hereby abol­ished, in the vac­uum that is cre­ated a ref­er­en­dum is to be held wherein the cit­i­zens of each state will decide their form of gov­ern­ment. All forms are per­mis­si­ble so long as they are inca­pable of vio­lat­ing the first ten amend­ments.
b) Except for funds employed as demo­c­ra­t­i­cally decided by the state, all funds will be dis­trib­uted to the towns and rural pop­u­la­tion equi­tably by pop­u­la­tion.
4) Etc.
a) Towns and so forth will be respon­si­ble for estab­lish­ing a com­mu­nal lifestyle in which each receives accord­ing to their needs and gives accord­ing to their means. Alter­na­tively towns may adopt a flat dis­tri­b­u­tion of wealth in which each cit­i­zen is given an equal sum. Such a sum is expected to range between $20,000 and $60,000 per per­son over eigh­teen with­out taxes, depen­dent upon the level of lux­ury pro­vided uni­ver­sally by each state, prin­ci­pal­ity, and town.
b) If a cit­i­zen is not involved in use­ful work they will not receive any money. Use­ful work will be deter­mined by the courts.

C) The judi­ciary retains its present form except that it progress to principality-level before real­is­ing national level. At prin­ci­pal­ity level, judges are appointed by a com­mit­tee formed of the population-sensitive branch of the afore­men­tioned bicam­eral legislature.

D) No addi­tional fund­ing is required, all present wealth and debt will be con­sumed by the national gov­ern­ment and promptly redis­trib­uted equi­tably – wealth nat­u­rally shall can­cel out debt. Uni­ver­si­ties and char­i­ta­ble insti­tu­tions will retain any endow­ment so long as they do not employ the funds to cre­ate wealth imbalances.

E) The tran­si­tion will begin at the date of this amendment’s pass­ing and be com­plete no later than Jan­u­ary 1, 2012.

Works Cited and Consulted

  • Church and State Should Be Separate.” Opposing View­points Resource Cen­tre. Gale. Web. 18 Jan. 2010.
  • De Sec­on­dat Mon­tesquieu, Charles. The Spirit Of The Laws. Colo­nial, 1900. Print.
  • Dreis­bach, Daniel L. “Church and State Should Not Be Separate.” Opposing View­points Resource Cen­tre. Gale. Web. 18 Jan. 2010.
  • John­ston, William J. “An Under­stated Yet Press­ing Polit­i­cal Issue.” IVWriting.com. Intra­venous, 23 Apr. 2009. Web. 18 Jan. 2010.
  • John­ston, William J. “On Anarchism.” IVWriting.com. Intra­venous, 30 Nov. 2008. Web. 18 Jan. 2010.
  • Orwell, George. Homage to Cat­alo­nia. New York: Har­court, Brace & World, Inc., 1952. 50.
  • Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. The First And Sec­ond Dis­courses. St Martin’s, Inc, 1964. Print.
  • Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. The Social Con­tract. St Martin’s, Inc, 1964. Print.
  1. Anonymous says:

    I agree heartily with #2, yet such absolute sep­a­ra­tion between church and state is nearly impos­si­ble. This “wall of sep­a­ra­tion” is rel­a­tively suc­cess­ful today, in my opin­ion; it’s preva­lent in all pub­lic schools today — even time peri­ods set for prayer have been renamed to peri­ods of “reflec­tion” or “moments of silence.” About stem cell research — it involves more than reli­gious rea­sons; it’s also about ethics, just like abor­tion. The point is, reli­gion con­trols so many peo­ple in this coun­try. These peo­ple, then, have their say in the gov­ern­ment. Sure, this weak­ens this sep­a­ra­tion between church and state, but I fail to see how we can fix this “prob­lem” with­out infring­ing upon our liberties.

  2. Going by the 12-year plan, a Pres­i­dent has the chance of either going through one con­sti­tu­tional revi­sion or none– but at least once every 12 years, Pres­i­dent will be elected know­ing that the con­sti­tu­tion will def­i­nitely not change dur­ing his term or two terms. Is that fair? Should it matter?

  3. Anonymous says:

    All forms are per­mis­si­ble so long as they are inca­pable of vio­lat­ing the first ten amend­ments.” well you bill kind gets rid of 9 and 10… also “As social­ist eco­nomic pol­icy has been shown to be an effi­cient sys­tem”… not true… Greece failed other Euro­peans coun­tries fail­ing U.S.S.R failed. From 1776 to 1913 our econ­omy grew incred­i­bly quickly while the value of the dol­lar went UP 13% in a free mar­ket when the Fed­eral Reserve and Income tax were cre­ated in 1913 all the way up till now the value of the dol­lar has decreased by 92% and we are at 100% GDP.. doesn’t sound like it really works. Sounds like it (kinda) works for about 20 years (usu­ally less) then fails.

  4. Anonymous says:

    Your per­spec­tive on nearly all issues exhib­ited in this paper is fun­da­men­tally flawed. Your cen­tral the­sis works on the assump­tion that the Con­sti­tu­tion needs to reformed through amend­ments. In read­ing this paper cold, one assumes you do not rec­og­nize that the Con­sti­tu­tion is amended nearly every day. The pur­pose of amend­ments, as the refresh­ing change you pur­port them to be, was to address major flaws or address seri­ous con­cerns that arise from the writ­ten Con­sti­tu­tion. Such exam­ples include term lim­its, slav­ery, etc. Major changes. What you fail to rec­og­nize, though, is that minor changes that ulti­mately result in big changes to the Con­sti­tu­tion hap­pen through Supreme Court rul­ings and com­mon law. For exam­ple, the Com­merce Clause could have been inter­preted in a vari­ety of ways. Instead, it has most recently been inter­preted as to allow social­is­tic sys­tems (one such ref­er­ence is to soon to be Kagan’s remarks that the gov­ern­ment could dic­tate what food each indi­vid­ual eats daily, as it relates to inter­state com­merce). See also inter­pre­ta­tions of emi­nent domain to allows the gov­ern­ment socialist-esque power over lands and pri­vate prop­erty. Yet, you still assert that a social­is­tic amend­ment is needed. Allow me to fin­ish my com­ment by assault­ing your asser­tion that, “As social­ist eco­nomic pol­icy has been shown to be an effi­cient sys­tem…” Clearly you have involved your mind in too much Marx­ist the­ory (and yes, I have read Das Cap­i­tal and the Com­mu­nist Man­i­festo) and allowed it to stray from the teach­ing that is his­tory. Social­is­tic sys­tems do not work. Have you read about the sit­u­a­tion that Greece is in lately? Are you aware of the dan­ger­ous precipice the Euro stands on as its for­merly increas­ingly social­is­tic mem­ber coun­tries fall? Part A of Appen­dix A is appalling and your ill-thought idea expressed therein under­mines your cred­i­bil­ity as any sem­blance of an econ­o­mist. For my own intel­lec­tual curios­ity, I would also like to know how a gov­ern­ment that dic­tates the lives of its cit­i­zens can also enhance indi­vid­ual sovereignty.

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